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Articles on Khalifah


The Caliphate: A Case Study in Confusion
By Abdul Hamid Abu Sulayman, pp110-118

One of the most misunderstood concepts in the field of political science is the system of the Caliphate. Muslim scholars consider it no more than a system of autocracy. Some intellectual leaders even speak apologetically about what they call the just autocrat “al Mustabid al ‘Adil”. Such tendencies result from the concentration in Islamic studies upon mere technical conditions such as who should be the caliph, who should be the heir, the pledge of allegiance, the obligation upon the ruler to follow Shariah, and the duty of the masses to obey him.

But they fail to fathom the core of the political and organizational operation, the factors and the forces affecting its structural stability, and the regulations that determine the choice and define the role of the political and social cadres responsible for handling over authority from one leader to another and from obe generation to the next.

Equally important is the ability of these cadres to supervise the manner of decision-making, the manner in which the leadership exercises authority, and the limits it should not exceed The urgent need for these fundamental checks and controls totally escapes the attention of the writers in this discipline, due no doubt to the dichotomy between the intellectual and the political leadership and the writers’ lack of experience and specialization. These shortcomings have resulted in shallow thinking, unsystematic reasoning and simplistic perception not only of the systems under consideration but of history itself.

The misconceptions about the Caliphate system are not baseless. First the system holds a tremendous significance in Islam thought as it vibrates with spiritual as well as historical connotations dating back more than a millennium. As a result of the changes that have taken place since that distance period of time, nostalgic feelings make it difficult, even for an expert, to visualize the workings of the structure of this system.

Needless to say, the study of political system cannot be confined to studying the official organizations, documents, and regulations of government. It has to include all of the official and unofficial factors and forces that influence the system one way or the other. In the absence of such a comprehensive approach, neither the system nor its working can be understood. Unfortunately, the Caliphate system does not lend itself to this kind of examination.

There is only a bare minimum of officially documented information about the organizational structure of the system. This insufficiency is no fault of the system itself but a natural by-product of the primitive nature of the environment in which the system originated. Before the rise of Islam, there was no complex system of monarchy or empire in the Arabian peninsula, it was inhabited by scattered tribes each following its own style of life. These tribes had never been united under one government before the establishment of the Muslim society, which, as a result of the challenges it faced and the insufficiency of the human potential, did not pay much attention to the luxury of maintaining codified documents.

Therefore the Muslim government in Madinah under the rule of the Prophet and his companions needed to do more than to lead the ‘Ummah and administer the political and military affairs of the community for 23 years. It is no wonder therefore that there is a scarcity of detailed information on how leaders were chosen.The companions who established the government inevitably constituted the collective leadership. They knew about each other’s competence and commitment to the cause of Islam. Each of them knew where he stood in relation to the Prophet (SAAS) and the other companions. This is why the nomination of the caliph presented no difficulty at all. The mosque provided the place where the cadres of the leadership and the public consulted with each other and settled all matters relating to the welfare of the ‘Ummah. The common commitment to the cause of Islam, which characterized the leaders as well as the members of the public, made the system function smoothly.

The period covered by al Khulafa’ al Rashidun, however, was too short for systematic organization of the foundations on which the transaction of the leadership could take place from one generation to the next in accordance with the principles outlined during the life of the Prophet (SAAS) of his immediate successors.This is the reason why immediately after the collapse of al Khulafa’ al Rashidun the fundamental qualities for the choice of a leader, such as seriousness, ability, and the religious commitment gave way to tribal bias, self-interest, and power.

Therefore an examination of the system of al Khulafa al Rashidun and insight into the manner in which it functioned has to be cautious and specialized. Jumping to shallow conclusions and making sweeping generalizations about concepts such as the benevolent autocrat do more harms than good to the cause of Islam. In addition, such approaches are in direct contradiction to the Quran. This leads me to conclusion that we had enough of such irrational inferences. If our concern about our heritage is genuine, we subject every aspect of that heritage to specialized and systematic study. This is all the more necessary with respect to the modelling of our political set-up on that of al Khulafa al Rashidun.

One of the issues arising from shortsightedness is the common misconception about the system of al Shura. The issue was raised by Abu Bakr’s decision during the Riddah Wars. The argument goes that Abu Bakr made the decision to go to war against the murtaddin in spite of the opposition of Umar and some of the other companions. The strange thingg is that those who follow this line of argument cling to marginal points lifted from the text of the dialogue between Abu Bakr, who stood for the war, and the companion, who argued otherwise.

This argument is faulty because it fails to put the issue in its proper context. It fails to realize that the subjugation of the primitive, pagan tribes and their accommodation into the new system occasioned many Divine relations to the Prophet (SAAS) and decisions by him. These show that accepting Islam was one thing, and abiding by the regulations of the new system was quite another. This is expressly stated in the [Quran, Surah al Hujurat (49):14].

Second, this argument fails to appreciate, or rather understand, the character of Abu Bakr, who is know for his tolerance, mercy, compassion, intelligence, and sagacity. In addition, there was nothing novel in the events that led to the Riddah wars. Even during the life of the Prophet (SAAS), some tribes revolted against the new system and some individuals even claimed prophethood. Names such as Musaylamah, Sajah, and Aswad al ‘Anasi are well known. Well aware of this background, Abu Bakr would never have made an immature or a thoughtless decision. Those who think otherwise fail to realize the amount of time and the degree of effort needed to fathom the subtle considerations that underline important political decisions.

A comprehensive examination of the issue reveals that it was much more than a theoretical confrontation or a quibble about words, as the available studies we have want us to believe. First, the issue poses important questions about the social and political reorganization of the Arabian Peninsula under a new system. Second, the issue involved here provides a concrete example of the problems that influence political decisions and the conditions that underline the responsibility of accepting political leadership.

This is clearly shown in the confrontation between Abu Bakr as Caliph and Umar as a representative of a group that did not at first understand the magnitude of the issue. Umar told Abu Bakr that he should either accept the opinion of his counselors or leave the caliphate. Abu Bakr did not accept either of these alternatives. He stuck to his opinion with the full conviction that he was doing the right thing and argued patiently and persuasively in favor of his opinion. Eventually ‘Umar and his supporters were able to perceive and concede to Abu Bakr’s viewpoint. ‘Umar later admitted that Abu Bakr’s perseverance, subtle firmness, and acute intelligence left no ground for misunderstanding or ambiguity. The force of the argument opened the hearts of his opponents to the truths of his convictions, and they consequently reconciled themselves to right path.

This issue amply demonstrates that the caliph had no authority over his counselors, but it was his personal characteristic which won him their support and full confidence. It is pertinent to mention here that they had previously told the caliph that if they observed him any deviation from the right oath, they would straighten him out by the use of force. Their acquiescence in this particular case shows their conviction of and satisfaction with Abu Bakr’s point of view.

The objective researcher will not fail to realize the significance of al Shura and how it was practiced during the period of the four Khulafa al Rashidun. Mutual consultation was the rule rather than the exception. There was no place for any form of despotism. Those who think otherwise are definitely shortsighted. Their failure lies in their inability to distinguish between executive and administrative matters, which necessarily limit the scope of responsibility, and major political decisions, which requires consultation, exchange ideas, and a minute examination of these ideas so that the final decision will be dinding on all concerned because of their conviction and satisfaction. Such consultation and conviction are essential to success.


A. Un-Islamic Concepts and Terminology

There is a great deal of confusion in Islamic studies regarding foreign systems and the political terminology used in them. This confusion is due to the researchers’ insufficient knowledge of the foreign systems on the one hand, and the inadequacy of their approach on the other. These drawbacks are further augmented by thoughtlessly striving to catch up with the standards of the so-called “civilized” world. Under such pressure research is hastily conducted and consequently not only fails to achieve the desired goals but also adds to the confusion, lack of discrimination, and uncertainty.

1. Democracy

These two related concepts of democracy and sovereignty are alien to our culture. Nonetheless, Muslim scholars have given them undue importance both as academic terms and as concepts. Some scholars go so far as to argue that they are in tune with the spirit and teachings of Islam and have to be adopted into Islamic thought and political systems.

The Are is no doubt that there are some apparent similarities between these concepts and the overall spirit of Islam. Unfortunately, these concept contain un-Islamic elements which our scholars have failed to detect. Through this failure, Islamic thought has inherited a kaleidoscopic phenomenon in which the pursuit of insignificant similarities has brought about undesirable notions that completely distort an already blurred vision.

Democracy, both as a concept and a system, has ancient roots in Western history, thought, and philosophy. It does not signify merely the procedural measures of choosing political leaders. It is a natural extension of the materialistic philosophy that regards man as a physical entity whose value is measured in terms of the pragmatic or utilitarian sense of his usefulness to the “state,” society, and the world. The spiritual aspect of man’s existence, which is his real value, is not stressed in this system. In essence, democracy is no more than an amalgamation of individuals who, by forming a majority, assume the right and the power to propagate their personal interest, while making minimal concessions to minorities.

This is the reason why concepts such as majority, minority, election, party system etc., are of paramount importance in Western political systems. Since these systems are based on secular foundations, any concepts of justice cannot be of real value to the individual or to society. Indeed, the systems provide legal loopholes for the strong to gratify their personal interests at the expensecal systems. Since these individual or to society. Indeed, the systems provide legal loopholes for the strong to gratify their personal interests at the expense of the weak.

Although al-Shura aims at choosing the proper leadership, establishing checks and controls over them, and arriving at decision accepted, appreciated, and supported by the public, it is not the same thing as democcracy, which seemingly seeks to achieve similar purposes. By definition, al Shura, derives a philosophical perception essentially different from that of democracy. This difference lies in the notion of justice as a concrete fact of existence which man arrives at through his own nature and Divine revelation, and which he endeavors to attain irrespective of his personal desires and interests.

As a method, the system of al Shura provides the procedure whereby Muslims sit together and deliberate upon important matters to arrive at and be bound by conclusions in the light of the philosophical concepts of justice. If the issue under consideration does not concern justice but a case of preferring one to the other, there is no harm in adopting measures such as voting, abiding by the point of view of the minority, etc. the same measures could be restored to if the discussion reached a deadlock in the absence of an authentic analogy. But even here, no decision should be taken until everybody has had the chance to express his or her opinion and cite relevant evidence.

Hasty decisions,insufficient investigation, and blind imitation will not bring about the reform we desire. If we concentrate on the philosophical background of the concepts pertaining to this or that system, we will able to develop insight into the nature of Islamic political systems, whose processes for arriving at and executing decisions are totally different from those of the West. Blind Westernization will not cause us to drift away from our avowed goals but will ultimately lead to catastrophic results.

2. Sovereignty

Some Muslim scholars have introduced the concepts of sovereignty into Islamic thought, arguing that the pledge of loyalty by individual persons to the Caliph confers sovereignty on the ‘Ummah. Others disagree with this view on the grounds that since Divinely revealed knowledge is the only source of the Shariah, no mortal can be vested with such powers. Thus, the term sovereignty applies to Allah alone. In my opinion any debate on the merits or demerits of this term with the intention of adopting or rejecting it does no service to Islamic thought. It distorts rather than clarifies the vision.

Sovereignty is a Western concept deeply rooted in the gradual evolution of Western systems. On all occasions it was resorted to in order to determine who should be entrusted the responsibility of decision making in the field of politics and legislation. It first emereged during the confrontation between the monarchy and the feudal lords who gained power by uniting together during the emergence of the European nationalist states. Eventually the term sovereignty was used to indicate the placing of political and legislative power in the hand of the representative of the people. This become politically evidenct after the broadening of political participation and the mergence of new classes which sought to achieve position of influence within the competing industrial and commercial communities.

Arguments about adopting or rejecting this term clearly show not only insufficient awareness of the nature of the Islamic constitution but also the inability to distinguish between the varying levels of decision-making in Islamic systems. It is incorrect to assume that any one authority or level of authority in the legislative affairs of the ‘Ummah is absolute. Nor is it correct to assume that legislative bodies do not exist in the Muslim Ummah. To dispel any misconceptions in this regard, we have to be aware of the different legislative levels on the basis of which we can determine the fields of specialization in Muslim communities.

The basic constitutional elements, which are the fundamental principles and values revealed in the Quran, cannot be questioned or tampered with. They must be accepted as they are. But legislation at the level of the daily concerns of existence and to which we do not find any direct reference in the Quran or the Sunnah can be handled by the specialist bodies in the various sectors of the Ummah. If we reject this, how we can possible explain Islamic practices such as “Ijtihad,” “Ra’I,” (opinion) and “Tarjih (preponderance).”? If the outcome of such efforts is not called “legislation,”what else can we call it? In practice many of our differences and disputes are settled through the previously mentioned channels, which neither permit confrontation over the source of the decision taken or cause enmity between the deliberating parties.

There is no place for victory or defeat. Blind imitation of Western systems ultimately leads to confusion in defining the spheres within which the various bodies conducting the affairs of the Ummah should behave in accordance with Islamic teachings. Mixing the two systems by adopting the concept of sovereignty leads either to depriving the Ummah of the power of decision-making and turning it over to an individual who behaves according to his own personal interpretation of what is right and wrong, or placing absolute authority in the hands of the Ummah irrespective of whether the structure is compatible with the spirit of Islam.

Sovereignty has no place in the framework in which the Islamic political structure is organized, but it does exist in the workings of the basic legislative spheres. The issue posed is not whether the source the source of decision-making is revealed knowledge or the Ummah. The real issue, needed for the implementation of a properly Islamic system, is a method which enables the Ummah to practise its role and authority in accordance with the true purpose and spirit of Islamic teachings. This method is necessary to understand properly the nature of the Islamic framework, its evolution, and the challenges it has encountered since the Umayyad period, as well as to sustain a commitment to its future.

3. Separation of “Church and State”

In the absence of a clear-cut Islamic literature in the field of political science, Muslim scholars continue to pose the question whether Islam is a state, a religion, or both. This debate entails feelings or embarrassment in Muslim scholars whenever there is a call for the restoration of the Caliphate in our age. These two issues amply demonstrate the success of orientalists and hostile non-Muslims in confusing and misleading the thought of scholars.

By raising these issues our attention has been diverted from more useful engagements. Indeed, in the absence of a proper method and research, we will never attain any larity of vision, and will continue to mistake trivial issues for importance ones. Comprehensive insight into Islam reveals that it does not sanction any form of separation between religions and politics. Islam signifies that concepts such as the nature of the Creator, good and evil, the Hereafter, etc., all aim at giving proper guidance to man’s behavior at the individual as well as at the social level. This point is too obvious to be elaborated upon. But the fact remains that there are conditions which have resulted in unnecessarily prolonged and futile discussions on the preceding themes.

These conditions are: the non-Muslims distorted picture of Christianity; Muslim awareness about the crisis of knowledge; Muslim dissatisfaction with the existing systems and an urgent desire to find an easy way out of the crisis. Thus enemies of Islam were able to take advantage of this situation by writing about Islam in a manner that would make the non-perceptive Muslim believe that they were praising it. They would glorify it as a legacy full of indisputable Divine secrets that ignore the social needs of human existence. Once that un-Islamic idea had been inculcated, they began to hammer the minds of Muslims with concepts such as mastery, racism, nationalism, secularism, and communism-all of which are contrary to the purposes, principles, and values of the teachings of Islam. The end result for the Muslims in confusion, decadence, and incapacity.

The issues of the Caliphate is representative of a state of confusion among Muslims over Islamic ideals, values, principles, and their historical application in Muslim societies. Generally it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to reinstitute historical systems in their entirety. This makes the hope of re-establishing the Caliphate system only a remote possibility, especially if the system is interpreted as a practical embodiment of political organizations. This is true whether such hopes are entertained by orientalists or Muslim scholars, irrespective of the degree of accurate perception in such interpretations. It needs to be emphasized that the Caliphate is no more than an Islamic term denoting the establishment of a social and political system in Islam.

Any system, whatever its from, based on the requirements of time and place can be in keeping with the Caliphate systems provided that it adheres to the Islamic fundamentals regulating the spiritual and mundane affairs of the Ummah. No true Muslim would accept a system that is not based upon and committed to that Islamic purpose.

The caliphate system is an ideal for which every Muslim must strive. But our struggle should not be clouded by transcendental or historical misconceptions. Nor should we be misled by those who have no respect for our Islamic identity. Such efforts require perseverance, determination, and originality.


B. Political Studies in Muslim Universities

The main theme of this essay is the need for the Islamization of knowledge in general and that of political science in particular. The first prerequisite in the process of Islamization is to have a clear idea of the reality of Islamic political studies. Without going into details one could say that texts pertaining to Islamic political studies are no more than handful of personal reflections of Islamic constitutional law, administration, biographies, and laws regulating war and peace. Despite the narrow scope, or perhaps because of it, they occupy a marginal place in most academic curricula. These studies are insufficient because:
  1. There are scarcely any analytical studies in the field of Islamic political thought.
  2. There is no effort to trace the nature and significance of issues brought about by political phenomena in Islamic history.
  3. There is no attempt to distinguish between the original and alien elements or the permanent and ephemeral elements in the systems.
  4. There is no clear-cut Islamic definition of international relations.
  5. The historical factors that actually influenced the foundation of the Ummah, its experience, and interactions with other nations have been totally ignored.
  6. The studies conducted both locally and internationally about Islamic systems of government and the lessons to be learnt from the actual application of these systems are also inadequate.

The reforms we are striving to achieve require the Islamization of knowledge in general and that of political science in particular because without proper insight into this field, the reconstruction of the Ummah and the preparation of cadres for leadership are impossible. Initially this can be done by founding research centers and holding discussions in the hope of clarifying our vision and defining our objectives on a more systematic basis. Those in charge of such activities should be specialists committed to the cause of Islam and to the welfare of the Ummah. Admittedly, the effort needed can be exacting because it required comprehensive and systematic analysis of the legacy of Islam in all its primary and secondary sources. A great of editing will be needed. Subjects will have to be categorized; terms will have to be coined, modified, or defined anew. A total renovation will be required.

Armed with deep insight, critical understanding, and systematic analysis, we would not refrain from investigating knowledge discovered by non-Muslims or adopting new experimental methods provided that we remain conscious of the differences in background, motivation, and purpose. A great deal of time has already been wasted. Research centers and academic institutes should now take up the challenge.

    Adopted from The Book "Islam: Source and Purpose of Knowledge" The International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), Herdon, Virginia. USA.

Wallahu A'lamu Bissawab

Article
No.:
Title / Author:
One  Man’s Vicegerency
Two  The Caliphate: A Case Study in Confusion
 By Abdul Hamid Abu Sulayman, pp110-118
Three  The Obligation to Establish the Systems of Islam
Four  The Appointmentof Khalifah/Caliph

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KHALIFAH HOME Our Paper on the Concept of Khalifah
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